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From:
Sam Lanfranco <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
Canadian Network on Health in International Development <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Mon, 21 Sep 1998 10:59:05 -0400
Content-Type:
TEXT/PLAIN
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TEXT/PLAIN (371 lines)
Date: Mon, 21 Sep 1998 08:35:52 -0400
From: [log in to unmask]
Subject: India: Workers Campaign to Protect Health and Livlihood

                                Asialink - Electronic Newsletter
               Information Exchange for Social Change
                Issue No. 16 (Early September 1998)
            (Document Size:  16.5  KB, 2411 words, 365 lines)

Dear Friends,

This issue is the second in a three-part series on work and
focuses on some recent Indian worker's campaigns to protect their
health and livlihoods, particularly in the face of globalisation.

These struggles are generally against disintegration and the
strategies and tactics people bring to them are as expressive of
their creativity as they are of the grim and painful reality of
globalisation.

We begin with a mainstream economist's take on that grim and
painful reality, excerpted from the Human Rights for Workers
Bulletin, Vol. II, No. 7. May 14, 1997. Professor Dani Rodrik
teaches international political economy at Harvard University in
the USA. His book, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? is published
by the Institute for International Economics.

     Globalisation's Ills: An Economist's Diagnosis

     ... As Rodrik points out, the characteristic approach of
     many policy-makers, economists included, is to downplay the
     social tensions sparked by globalization and to brand "all
     concerned groups as self-interested protectionists."

     Instead, Rodrik believes that "the most serious challenge
     for the world economy in the years ahead lies ... in
     ensuring that international economic integration does not
     contribute to domestic social DISintegration" ...

     Globalization "fundamentally transforms the employment
     relationship." The labour of ordinary workers in one country
     can now more easily be substituted for the labour of workers
     in other countries. Owners of capital, highly skilled
     workers, and many professionals-fortunate in being able to
     take "their resources where they are most in demand" are not
     disturbed by this transformation, but most people are. As a
     result:

          * Workers now have to pay a larger share of non-wage
          costs, such as workplace safety measures and benefits.

          * Their earnings and hours worked are more volatile
          because of shocks to labour demand or labour
          productivity.

          * Their bargaining power has eroded, resulting in lower
          wages and benefits whenever bargaining is an element in
          setting the terms of employment.

                               ***

Compensation Is Not Enough

Our second and third selections explore the "dangerous
intersection of the environment, health and the economy" through
worker's struggles for safe workplaces and recent court rulings
on industrial pollution.

We turn first to the case of M.C. Metha vs. Union of India,
excerpted from "Polluting Industries, Environment and Workers'
Health: A Case for Intervention," by Mukul in the Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 32, No. 35, August 30 - September 5, 1997,

     ... The case of M. C. Mehta vs. Union of India, popularly
     known as "Ganga Matters" ... for the first time establishes
     a noble principle: a polluting industry which damages the
     environment outside the factory, simultaneously creates
     havoc for the health of the workers inside the factory.
     Hence the industry has to pay the price of its pollution to
     the citizens, in general, and to sick and suffering workers,
     in particular ...

     The court judgement is important, but (how it) was achieved
     is as important as the judgement itself (and) gives a
     concrete example of (how) environmental initiatives,
     workers' organisations and support groups, people's science
     activists and others can work together on the burning issue
     of industrial pollution and can promote their cause mutually
     ...

     It started in the distant tribal village of Chinchurgeria,
     Jhargram, in the Midanapore District of West Bengal state. A
     stone crushing unit, Surendra Khanij, started here in
     September 1987. The unit was manufacturing quartz powder
     from quartzite stone and supplying it to different glass
     manufacturing units ...

     (Within three to four years, twenty workers died and twelve
     remain chronically ill.) ... Most of the workers were
     suffering from silicosis, one of the most deadly
     occupational lung disease in India ...

     Had it not been for the existence of the Quark Science
     Centre at Jhargram, it would never have been possible to
     know the fate of the workers of the Surendra Khanij.

     (According to) Bijan Sharangi, a 33-year-old school teacher
     and secretary of the Quark Science Centre, "In early 1993,
     we came to know of a series of workers' death and diseases
     in Chinchurgeria, through two foresters of the forest
     department ... We tested at least 100 villagers and then
     found that several of them were suffering from silicosis ...
     We organised a massive signature campaign among the
     villagers and people of Jhargram, demanding closure and
     compensation. We also organised many street corner meetings.
     When these programmes did not bear any fruit, hundreds of
     villagers from Chinchugeria and nearby villages assembled in
     Jhargram in April 1993 and sat on indefinite dharna (sit-in)
     outside the SDO office. Thereafter the SDO ordered the
     closure of the factory, which has been closed till date" ...

     (Later) Nagrik Manch, (citizens' platform or forum) a labour
     support group in Calcutta, along with six central trade
     unions, intervened in the Supreme Court and filed a public
     interest (law suit) ...

     The story does not stop here, the compensation only a
     beginning ...

     ... It is indeed rare to find a hospital in the country
     established by workers and their unions. Shrmajivi Hospital,
     only 3.5 kms away from Howrah Station and at walking
     distance from famous Belur Math, is an inspiring endeavour
     of workers of a closed and sick industry. They started it
     out of their own necessity and also to expand the union's
     activities in a hitherto neglected field. But slowly it has
     become an essential activity of the whole community in that
     area, and local teachers, artists, doctors, social workers
     and students have all become involved in it in one way or
     another.

     Surrounded by factories, mostly closed small shops and
     houses, Shrmajivi Hospital stands out on main road, going
     towards Howrah. The hospital is like a home - a small old
     house of five and six medium-size rooms, a staircase going
     through the verandah and a first floor with tin-shaded
     working space. The rooms are exceptionally neat and clean
     ... (but everything bears) a simple, raw, robust look ...

     "Of course the charges are just here, but we do not come
     here only for that reason. In this area alone, there are two
     government hospitals and dozens of private nursing homes.
     They also provide treatment to patients. Even if one could
     afford them, one comes here. We feel at home. Here we feel
     as if we will live longer," says local resident Pratap
     Sinha, who has undergone a long treatment in the hospital
     ...

     ... They decided in April 1997, to set up a bi-weekly
     occupational disease detection centre at the hospital, which
     will be one of the rare ones in West Bengal. To deal with
     the problem of industrial accidents, they would also like to
     develop ... micro-vascular surgery in future. "But this all
     will develop only if the participation of workers, their
     unions and other people will develop. Seeing the present
     situation one is very hopeful.

                               ***

Who Pays the Costs of Pollution?

The Shramjivi Hospital and its worker-led community management
is
doing away with the dichotomy between "worker" and "patient."

Similarly, the Delhi Janvadi Adhikar Manch (the Delhi Democratic
Rights Forum) works to extend workers' control. BOL - the
reproductive rights network on the Web - has this to say about
their work:

     An Indian Supreme Court order on July 8, 1996, directed the
     closure or relocation of 168 polluting factories in Delhi.

     In response to this and other measures to "clean up" the
     Indian capital, a group of labour and human rights
     organizations have founded the Janvadi Adhikar Manch. As
     part of its mission, the Manch has chronicled the impact of
     these rulings.

     The Manch reports that some 50,000 workers lost their jobs
     due to the July 8, 1996 order. The group further details
     continued violations of compensation provisions of the
     Supreme Court order. To date no compensation has been given
     to workers who have lost their jobs due to the ruling.

     The Manch warns against reducing the issue of pollution to
     "beautifying Delhi for the rich." The polluting factories
     may simply relocate to other areas of lesser real estate
     value or with lower wage differentials, without reducing
     pollution emissions. While no real gains may result in
     overall environmental improvement, many dependent factory
     workers may unjustly suffer.

     The Manch's March 1998 report interviews 53 women ... The
     women talk at length about poor living conditions,
     overcrowding in slum dwellings, and lack of access to water,
     electricity and other resources. They note a need for
     gainful employment after the closure of factories. In the
     Delhi case, workers were being unfairly penalized for
     failure on the part of owners of capital to meet
     environmental operating standards.

     The controversy surrounding the Supreme Court ruling points
     to a need to consider the dangerous intersection of
     environment, health, and economy. The Manch warns against
     environmental movements that have too easily become the
     mouthpiece of elite interests and (says) that the health and
     well-being of working women must be factored into
     initiatives to "clean up" the Indian capital. The
     controversy generated by the struggle to relocate factories
     in Delhi highlights the need to scrutinize the interests and
     politics behind legislation to improve the environment and
     opens up a new forum for debate over the health and well-
     being of working women.
                               ***

Our final selection comes from "History in the Making - Women
Design and Manage an Alternative Public Distribution System," by
P. V. Satheesh in the Forest, Trees and People Newsletter, No.
34.

Rice Was a Wonder Grain

     Like elsewhere in India, a public distribution system (PDS)
     operates in the villages around Zaheerabad in the Medak
     District of Andhra Pradesh ... (But) the women of Zaheerabad
     never grew rice ... It was always sorghum, pearl, finger and
     other millets mixed with a host of pulses that made up the
     crops on their lands and meals in their pots. Suddenly rice
     has invaded their kitchen via the PDS.

     Rice is a seductive cereal. It ... needs no processing.
     Comes ready to cook. Mix with water and put it on the stove.
     ... Women loved it ... Rice was a wonder grain ...

     It took few years for the women of Zaheerabad to see and
     understand the other side of the rice.

     The first effect was on their nutrition. Rice is (mainly)
     carbohydrate.... An increasing number of women and children
     started becoming anaemic.

     The second toll ... was on their lands. With more and more
     PDS rice coming from the resource-rich belt-like coastal
     Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, what was the need to grow
any
     food crops on their dry lands at all? ... Dryland farmers'
     lands were gradually put to fallow.

     The women were hardest hit ... Their (traditional)
     agriculture took care of a variety of their needs. It gave
     them a nutritive crop mix that included pulses, cereals and
     green leafy vegetables. It provided fodder for cattle,
     fencing material for their fields and houses, and straw for
     their thatch ...

     ... In the district of Medak (in Andhra Pradesh) alone, more
     than 100,000 acres of land have been put to fallow in the
     last ten years almost as a direct result of PDS ...

     (The women's self-confidence) is linked to their role as
     skilled food-producers and to (being the seed-keepers) of
     the community. As food production becomes less important,
     the status that accompanies (it) is lost. Being reduced to
     food consumers, dependent on purchased food for their
     survival, undermined one of their few sources of self-esteem
     and self-respect ...

     The women of Deccan Development Society (DDS), who had
     organised themselves into sanghams, voluntary associations
     of the poor Dalit women, deliberated on this issue in their
     meetings.

     One answer was to reclaim their fallows. They would breathe
     new life into their half-dead lands. They would plough it
     and manure it. As the land came alive, they would raise a
     crop of sorghum on it ...

     But this needed investment. To the tune of 2600 Rs. an acre.
     No financial institution offers such loans.

     The women decided to fight for reversal of this policy (and
     through the) DDS (approached) the Ministry of Rural
     Development, which saw the merit in their case and approved
     funding for ... a Community Grain Fund (CGF).

     (For) the past three years, (women) in thirty villages
     around Zaheerabad ... have been managing this path breaking
     programme.

     In each village they identified 100 acres of fallows, most
     of which belong to marginal farmers.

     Meetings were held in each of these villages with the
     project partners, DDS and village poor ... Money was
     advanced over a three-year period to the farmers for ...
     ploughing, manuring, sowing and weeding. This money was
     later repaid in the form of grain grown on the newly
     developed lands. Rates were fixed for the entire three-year
     period.

     Committees of women were formed to look after ... the
     project in each village. They, in turn, selected about
     twenty acres each and supervised the work on these
     personally ...

     Unfortunately, just when the crops were ready for harvest, a
     heavy cyclone hit the region in October. It rained
     continuously for around 18 days ... (Yet,) a few months
     after the harvest, the first year's repayment of sorghum for
     the grain bank was completed ... (The women) knew that if
     they failed (the community grain bank) would never have a
     second chance.

     The grain collected was stored by the village committees ...
     in decentralised fashion, using indigenous storage
     techniques ... The next step for the women of the village
     sanghams was to identify around 100 poor households in each
     village for grain distribution. The sorghum from these banks
     was to be sold at subsidised price to these families.

     ... For the first time in the history of this region, Dalit
     women, poor and from the lowest social rank in the village,
     decided who among the villagers were poorest and qualified
     for the community grain support.

     The proceeds from the sale of the grain are deposited in a
     bank as the community grain fund. The money is utilised year
     after year to reclaim more fallows in their village thus
     contributing to increased productivity ...

     Through this CGF Programme the women have brought over
2,500
     acres of fallows under plough ... This has meant that they
     were able to produce three million extra meals in 30
     villages or 1,000 extra meals per family. The fodder
     provided by the newly cultivated fields sustained over 6,000
     head of cattle in 30 villages. Finally and more important,
     in each village 2,500 extra (daily) wages were created - 500
     for ploughing, sowing and manuring, and 2,000 for weeding.
     In all 75,000 extra (daily) wages earned in 30 villages.

     If the experiment continues to be successful, the women of
     Deccan Development Society will have established the first
     decentralised public distribution system in the country, one
     with local production, local storage, and local distribution
     - all adapted to the specific needs and opportunities at the
     village level ...

                               ***


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