================= HES POSTING ===================== Steve, I am sure that you will receive many conflicting answers to this question. Let me give a brief opinion, which will undoubtedly be controversial. I think that there are two important facts which go far to explaining the early development of neoclassical economics in the U.S. The first was the return to the U.S. of foreign-trained U.S. scholars in the late 19th century and their growing desire to create a professional association. The second was the progressive political movement that aimed to expand the role of the state in society, in this case through government-supported higher education. The second factor was more important in the second half of the 20th century than in the first half. Although some of the returning scholars (and as time went by their students) were institutionalists, the dominant view was based on the marginal productivity theory combined with the Austrian approach to interdependence which stressed subjective opportunity cost. This is what neoclassical economics meant at the beginning. Neoclassical ideas were manifest in the work of people like J. B. Clark, Frank Fetter, Irving Fisher, and Herbert Davenport. Much of this work arose as a response to Marx and to the 19th century socialist challenge to classical economics. A more political interpretation might stress that the returning Americans in general were turned off by the assumption of rigid and self-conscious social classes, opting instead for what they perceived as an economics more suitable for the property rights and freedom to gain from exchange that they perceived in a capitalist democracy like the U.S. This form of neoclassicism remained the dominant view throughout the first half of the 20th century, although the rise of mathematical modeling and particularly the use of national statistics to describe the economy diluted the original, less specific form of neoclassicism. Wesley Mitchell was a pivotal figure. The University of Chicago played a key role in the development of neoclassical economics beginning around the turn of the century. With the rise of Keynesianism, formalism, and increasingly institutionalized education under government influence, the 1950s brought a demand for and supply of easy-to-teach-from university textbooks that compartmentalized economics. Given the times, the easiest way to produce such textbooks was to build on the primitive mathematical models of Alfred Marshall for a one semester course in "microeconomics" and on John Hicks's formalization of Keynes's ideas for a one semester course in "macroeconomics." Paul Samuelson's _Economics_ set the standard. The great expansion of American higher education (particularly public higher education) in the 1960s was supported by new Ph.D.s, who were trained during the 50s and 60s with the new textbooks. As a result, Samuelson's economics became the standard and efforts to replace its successors have, ever since, been met with stiff institutionalized resistance. During this time, the character of the economics that emerged from the marginal revolution of the late 19th century itself changed. Clarkian and Austrian subjectivist economics was crowded out by Walrasian formalism. And the more speculative and insightful economics of people like Clark, Davenport and Knight was crowded out by formal model-building and scientistic testing of econometrically-based hypotheses, usually by means of the analysis of aggregate statistics. As a result, what economists call neoclassical economics today bears little resemblance to the neoclassical economics that people like Veblen wrote about. Regarding research on the issue, all of it is speculative, like my essay. Here are some references, although I am sure that others on the list could provide a more complete set. Andrews, P. W. S. (1952) "The Legacy of the 1930s in Economics." Chapter 4 in P. W. S. Andrews. (1993) The Economies of Competitive Enterprise: Selected Essays of P. W. S. Andrews. Edited by Frederic S. Lee and Peter E. Earl. Brrokfield, Vermont: Edward Elgar. Barber, William J. (ed.) (1988) Breaking the Academic Mold. Scranton, PA: Harper and Row. Black, Coats, and Goodwin, The Marginal Revolution in Economics: Interpretation and Evaluation, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1973. Coats, A.W. (1964) "The American Economic Association." American Economic Review. 54 (4): 281-5. Coats, A. W., "Economics as a Profession," chapter 8 in Greenaway, David, M. F. Bleaney III, and Ian Stewart (ed.), Companion to Contemporary Economic Thought, London: Routledge, 1991. Coats, A.W., (?) On the History of Economic Thought: British and American Essays. Volume 1. London: Routledge. Feiwel, George R. (ed.) (1982) Samuelson and Neoclassical Economics. Boston: Kluwer. Hennings, , K. H., "The Transition from Classical to Neoclassical Economic Theory: Hans von Mangoldt," Kyklos, No. 4, 1980. Klaus Hennings and Warren J. Samuels.(1990) Neoclassical Economic Theory, 1870 to 1930. Kluwer Academic, Boston. Howey, R.S., The Rise of the Marginal Utility School, 1870-1889, Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 1960. HB203/.H6 1989 Schumpeter, J. A. (1982) The Crisis in Economics. American Economic Review. September. Pat Gunning, Sultan Qaboos University, Oman ============ FOOTER TO HES POSTING ============ For information, send the message "info HES" to [log in to unmask]