------------ EH.NET BOOK REVIEW --------------
Published by EH.NET (February 2007)
Thomas Sowell, _On Classical Economics_. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2006. ix + 304 pp. $35 (cloth), ISBN: 0-300-11316-1.
Reviewed for EH.NET by John Berdell, Department of Economics, DePaul
University.
Thomas Sowell's _On Classical Economics_ forms a remarkably
integrated whole given that major parts appeared independently in the
1970's while others have been recently added. This is evidence of the
unity and consistency of the author's view of classical economics and
public policy broadly considered.
First, it is a page turner and quite surprisingly so. Sowell's tour
of classical economics is usually a quick march, one that
deliberately skirts the thickets and muddy places that have detained
many contributions to the secondary literature. Sowell keeps his
reader on the high ground and briskly leads our attention from one
classical vista to the next. This renders the work admirably suited
for readers new to classical economics, and I look forward to using
it with undergraduates. Sowell's attention is almost entirely devoted
to the primary texts with only occasional nods to the secondary
literature, indeed he is more inclined to engage popular perceptions
of the classics rather than particular interpreters. These
perceptions seemed to this reader to be of the 1970's, even in the
more recently written second half of the book, and this provided part
of the work's integrative force. Additionally, there is a strong
center of gravity around classical macroeconomics. This is not simply
the Malthus-Ricardo debate but a far wider dispute between supporters
and deniers of the legitimacy of an equilibrium approach to aggregate
income determination. It is Sismondi who garners the most attention
within the equilibrium approach while J.S. Mill's influential
dismissal of that approach explains the novelty later attached to
Keynes' equilibrium formulation.
Sowell's point of departure is a chapter devoted to the "social
philosophy" of the classical economists -- a diffusely defined group
associated with the "authoritative tradition" emanating from the
_Wealth of Nations_. That they were "conservative" is placed in doubt
by pointing to their anti-aristocratic attitudes and their high wage
policies. Their hostility to the state is rightly associated with an
aversion to war and, as James Mill put it, the imperial system of
"outdoor relief for the upper classes" (p. 7). Rather than asserting
the benefits of laissez-faire based on the existence of a "natural
harmony of interests" the classical economist are portrayed as
seeking to dismantle a politicized disharmony of interests that
greatly favored wealth and power. These themes have found
considerable favor since the 1970's as a long list of scholars have
sought to undermine the conservative outer works hastily erected
around Smith's work during the 1790's. Indeed it would be very
interesting to have Sowell's reaction to the works of, say, Donald
Winch, Emma Rothschild or Richard Teichgraeber, whose attempts to
disassociate Smith from conservatism post date Smith's Reagan-era
embrace.
Classical macroeconomics is very much the star of the show with
chapter two tracing the "Say's" law controversy from Mercier de la
Rivi???re onwards: "the physiocrats made Say's Law and equilibrium
income theory mutually compatible, as they were _not_ to be for most
of the next 200 years" (p. 25). A wide array of authors is considered
and copious notes point to French and English primary texts. The
opening statement on demography is decidedly uncharacteristic: "the
whole classical school ... accepted that the long-run supply curve of
labor ... was infinitely elastic at some conventional subsistence
level." This obscures the presence of sensitive accounts of increases
to "conventional subsistence" documented by Spengler among others.
The misunderstandings surrounding Say's Law lie at the heart of this
book. The Law is presented as actually constituting six distinct
propositions, only three of which constituted points of disagreement.
The last proposition is that disequilibrium represents
"disproportionality" between the current output mix and that
preferred by consumers, a view which usually rejected the very
possibility of "an equilibrium level of national income" (p. 27). The
conflict between these views is brought out in many insightful ways,
and a distinction is made between static and dynamic equilibrium
income notions: the former is an equilibrium level of income while
the latter is an equilibrium growth rate of income. The treatment of
monetary theory is attentive to the possibility of hoarding, and
whether there are demands for money other than the transactions
demand. The notion behind Ricardian equivalence is mentioned, but not
the term as such. Indeed, readers are not alerted to the fact that it
has been revisited. The absence of any mention of this or other
recent echoes of classical disputes suggests a certain determination
on Sowell's part.
A chapter on classical microeconomics follows in which a
consideration of longer term growth is placed within the context of
diminishing agricultural returns, rent determination and value.
Foreshadowing a major theme of the work, J.S. Mill is found holding
to the proposition that the subsistence level of consumption had
remained constant in the face of accumulating evidence to the
contrary.
The chapter on classical methodology draws out several themes running
through the preceding chapters. Ricardo's terminology and method of
abstraction is alternately critiqued and defended. Richard Jones
provides the critique: Ricardo's terms were so specific to his
theoretical system that his "rent" could never correspond to the rent
that anyone anywhere understood in "the ordinary and vulgar sense of
the word" --thus Ricardo had generated "general principles" devoid of
"any generality"(p. 85). An unusual team speaks for the defense as
J.S. Mill and Marx successively assert the need for abstractions that
cut across the multiplicity of causes active in any particular case.
Only then is it possible to start the "return journey" to a specific
case which will appear as a rich composite of individual relations
(p. 86). The use of such thoroughgoing abstractions was the source of
long running confusions and misunderstandings between those authors
(such as Malthus and Jones) who sought to explain a given state of
affairs and those (such and Ricardo and Marx) who sought to establish
the laws governing the system's direction of change.
Schumpeter's injunction to the effect that to understand Marx one
must understand Ricardo and Hegel provides the point of departure for
the penultimate chapter. The Marx-Engels dialectical method is
described as one of "successive approximation." This method confused
some of his readers into constructing elaborate critiques of his "law
of value." In contrast Sowell depicts Marx as pragmatically employing
a particular definition of value to extend Ricardo's consideration of
distribution and resource allocation. Three themes in Marx's
treatment of crisis are carefully balanced against one another. As
far as the preceding debate between "disproportionality" and
insufficient demand is concerned, Marx is found to be essentially in
the former camp, but expectational errors and ensuing overproduction
in the "principal articles of trade" may cause a general glut of
commodities through an interruption of the credit system (p. 177).
The expectational errors which lie at the heart of crises are
alternatively presented as expressions of the "unconscious" or
uncoordinated actions of humans under capitalism. Lastly,
considerable emphasis is placed on capitalism's tendency to undermine
itself by crippling, estranging and mutilating the worker (p. 162).
In the closing chapter Sowell reflects upon the history of economic
thought. J.S. Mill carries the most painful lesson: even brilliant
well meaning people can be elitist and ignorant. An egalitarian theme
heard throughout Sowell's writings is sounded to good effect here:
free markets are "one of the most revolutionary concepts to emerge in
the long history of ideas" and their adherents are contrasted to
those "who have not been able to accept the humbling thought that
their own presumably superior wisdom and virtue might be superfluous,
if not damaging" (p. 189). The distinction between a classical
"tradition" as opposed to a classical "era" is revisited as Sowell
suggests that Cournot and Sismondi's intellectual innovations failed
to become part of that tradition because "they both wrote within a
framework too unfamiliar to their contemporaries" (p. 200). The
growing use of mathematics and statistics in economics is approvingly
mentioned: it has reduced linguistic wiggle room and speeded the
empirical rejection of poorly performing theories.
Sowell's choice not to have inquired into the recent literature on
the authors examined here may prove off-putting for some readers,
especially in light of the criticisms he advances against J.S. Mill.
Yet this has produced an exciting and fresh look at a wide range of
classical texts, and despite -- or perhaps because of -- this
characteristic the policy relevance of the issues and personalities
considered is always kept clearly in view.
References:
Rothschild, E. (2001). _Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet,
and the Enlightenment_, Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Spengler, J. J. (1942). _French Predecessors of Malthus; A Study in
Eighteenth-century Wage and Population Theory_, Durham: Duke
University Press.
Teichgraeber, R. F. (1986). _"Free Trade" and Moral Philosophy:
Rethinking the Sources of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations_, Durham:
Duke University Press.
Winch, D. (1978). _Adam Smith's Politics: An Essay in Historiographic
Revision_, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
John Berdell is the author of _International Trade and Economic
Growth in Open Economies: The Classical Dynamics of Hume, Smith,
Ricardo and Malthus_ (Edward Elgar, 2002). He is currently working on
Richard Cantillon.
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Published by EH.Net (February 2007). All EH.Net reviews are archived
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