------------ EH.NET BOOK REVIEW --------------
Published by EH.NET (August 2008)
Alvin Rabushka, _Taxation in Colonial America_. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 2008. xx + 946 pp. $60 (hardcover), ISBN:
978-0-691-13345-4.
Reviewed for EH.NET by Roger Hewett, Department of Economics, Drake
University.
After years of relative neglect, early American public finance is
attracting increased attention in the new millennium -- from the
reappraisal of Alexander Hamilton?s dominating influence on late
eighteenth century American taxation [1] to renewed interest in the
Beard Hypothesis [2] and a revisionist account of slavery?s impact on
American taxation [3]. Alvin Rabushka?s volume on colonial taxation
marks a significant addition to an already expanding literature on the
history of American public economics. Running to nearly a thousand
pages, this massive compendium of colonial American tax data draws
together disparate primary and secondary sources in an impressive feat
of scholarship. It provides an encyclopedic account of taxation in all
thirteen colonies from the onset of European colonization to the
American Revolution.
The book?s organization is considerate to the majority of readers who
will probably use the volume for reference rather than reading it cover
to cover. It is divided chronologically into six parts, each beginning
with an overview of British and colonial constitutional circumstances.
The tax chapters are separated into regional sections: the New England
colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire;
the ?middle? colonies of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware
and the ?plantation? colonies of Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas and
Georgia. The tax chapters feature a section on monetary matters before
proceeding to a detailed accounting of the full array of taxes, rates
and revenues. Though repetitious and often tedious in its cataloguing of
taxes with minimal, compartmentalized commentary, this approach is
understandable in an encyclopedic reference work.
Tax history may seem a topic with limited appeal beyond specialist
researchers. However, as Joseph Schumpeter recognized nearly a century
ago: ?The spirit of a people, its cultural level, its social structure,
the deeds its policy may prepare -- all this and more is written in its
fiscal history. ... The public finances are one of the best starting
points for an investigation of society? [4]. For Rabuska, colonial tax
history provides the occasion for understanding colonial constitutions,
British and American politics and the history of money. Digressions are
also offered on land tenure, weights and measures, even the transition
from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar. Notably, although taxation is
also a good starting point for investigating expenditures, colonial
spending is not dealt with in detail.
Even without detailing the expenditures it is clear that war and taxes
were closely related in colonial America. Tax burdens rose and the
nature of taxation changed during times of war. Where excises and other
indirect taxes often met the expenses of civil administration in
peacetime, direct taxation of income and property became more prevalent
in wartime. The greater the conflict the greater the impact: taxes
increased during the conflicts around the turn of the eighteenth century
but later rose even higher as a result of the French and Indian War
(1754-1763), sowing the seeds of the American Revolution.
The colonies varied widely in their methods of taxation. New England
developed the most sophisticated colonial tax system, relying upon a
combination of poll, property and faculty (income) taxes. New York
depended upon several indirect taxes while tobacco taxation funded the
plantation economies of Virginia and Maryland. British subsidies
limited the need for taxation in Georgia, the charity colony for debtors.
Regardless of variations in tax methods and wartime tax levels, colonial
tax burdens were typically a very small fraction of what English
taxpayers endured. The early tax incentives given to bolster colonial
growth conditioned Americans to expect low levels of taxation. The
burden of empire rested lightly on Americans. Parliament?s efforts to
increase colonial contributions were fiercely resisted. Though taxes
were raised during the French and Indian War, British grants buffered
Americans from the costly war to ensure colonial support.
When not pressed by Britain, as in the peaceful period of ?salutary
neglect? from 1714 to 1739, Americans managed to drive tax burdens to
negligible levels by issuing paper money to meet their needs. Government
loan offices proliferated during the era, granting mortgages to
landowners. Interest on the loans became a major source of colonial
revenue while the loans became bills of credit which circulated as
money. The colonies also issued other bills backed by pledges of future
taxation. The quantity of bills in circulation, denominated in the
currency of each colony, affected the values of colonial currencies both
relative to one another and relative to British sterling. The
monetization of a wide range of commodities, most significantly tobacco
in Maryland and Virginia, provided another layer of accounting complexity.
With the Currency Act of 1751, Parliament asserted its authority over
colonial monetary power. Focused on New England, the greatest source of
monetary instability, the Act reined in the emission of bills, restoring
the value of colonial currencies relative to sterling. The tax increases
required to redeem outstanding bills were diminished by Parliament?s war
reimbursement grants later in the decade.
By this time the constitutional balance of power between the Crown and
Parliament had shifted decisively in favor of Parliament. Over the
course of the colonial period a declining medieval monarchy ceded its
authority to the Parliament of a modern state. In the wake of the
expensive Seven Years? War (a global conflict, of which the French and
Indian War was only a part), Parliament turned to the feudal legacy
underpinning colonial contributions to the British state. The
institution of voluntary requisitions, the historical basis for colonial
support of the Seven Years? War, was regarded as unsatisfactory. The
Sugar Act of 1764, the Sugar Act of 1765, the Townshend Acts of 1767 and
the Tea Act of 1773 reflected Parliament?s confidence in its supreme
constitutional power. That the prosperous American colonies should be
able to avoid their share of the empire?s costs undermined the supremacy
of Parliament over colonial legislatures. Parliament?s supremacy would
be eliminated by the Revolution, but the constitutional conflict
continued after the war. United States Congressional supremacy would be
established by the Constitution in 1788.
America?s antipathy toward taxation is never convincingly explained in
Rabushka?s tax history. That Americans were conditioned by low taxes
during early settlement years to expect low taxes indefinitely is not
persuasive. Perhaps the explanation lies in a more complete fiscal
history, specifying in greater detail the correspondence between
expenditures and the taxes supporting them. Also, Rabushka establishes a
boundary between taxation and other fees levied by governments and
churches. Taxes are involuntary payments for public goods and services.
The other charges are either voluntary or fees for private goods.
Establishing this boundary implies an understanding of public
expenditures as well as an interpretation of ?involuntary? in tax
systems where noncompliance was widespread. Wherever the boundary lay it
was probably also in flux over the course of the colonial era as feudal
obligations, such as quitrents, gave way to state taxation. While this
study provides a heroic compilation of colonial taxes, it only begins to
investigate the nature of colonial public economics.
Notes:
1. In 2004, the New York Historical Society featured an exhibition on
?Alexander Hamilton: The Man Who Made Modern America.? The same year a
lengthy new biography by popular author Ron Chernow, _Alexander
Hamilton_ (New York: Penguin) was also published.
2. Robert McGuire, _To Form a More Perfect Union: A New Economic
Interpretation of the United States Constitution_, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2003.
3. Robin Einhorn, _American Taxation, American Slavery_, Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2006.
4. Joseph Schumpeter, ?The Crisis of the Tax State? (1918), in Joseph
Schumpeter, _The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism_ (edited and
introduction by R. Swedberg), Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1991, p. 101.
Roger Hewett teaches at Drake University. He has authored articles on
public economics, economic history, the history of economics and
economic education. [log in to unmask]
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