------------ EH.NET BOOK REVIEW --------------
Published by EH.NET (November 2004)
Richard A. Easterlin, _The Reluctant Economist: Perspectives on
Economics, Economic History, and Demography_. New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2004. xx + 284 pp. $75 (hardcover), ISBN:
0-521-82974-7.
Reviewed for EH.NET by Lee A. Craig, Department of Economics, North
Carolina State University.
In the notes preceding Kenneth Sokoloff's 1993 interview of Richard
Easterlin for the _Newsletter of the Cliometric Society_, Sokoloff
summarized Easterlin, the man, with "There is always an air of
mystery about him." Of the man (and his work), Sokoloff wrote, he
"makes every word count."[1] Nowhere are these observations more
apparent than in Easterlin's recently published _The Reluctant
Economist: Perspectives on Economics, Economic History, and
Demography_. Many, perhaps most, scholars in the twilight of a long,
brilliant interdisciplinary career -- which in Easterlin's case
includes a distinguished professorship at the University of Southern
California, the presidency of both the Population Association of
America and the Economic History Association, membership in the
National Academy of Sciences, and a Fellowship of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences, to name but a handful of his many
academic distinctions - would succumb to the temptation to expand on
their lives, to give those lives broader meaning in the context of
their scholarly contributions (and vice versa). A reader might
reasonably expect a good bit of autobiographical material. A reader
of Easterlin's perspectives would be mistaken. The "memoirs" chapter,
such as it is, of this volume includes only 18 pages, and much of the
space is taken up with discussing the work that appears in subsequent
chapters. Easterlin, the man, remains a mystery. The same cannot be
said of his work.
Most of the volume's chapters are revised versions of previously
published articles, and Easterlin appears to have carefully chosen
these pieces. None is technical by the standards of even the most
benign usage of the word. Data play important roles in each. Each
major section -- "Economics," "Economic History," and "Demography" --
stresses one or two main themes and/or findings around which
narrative is wrapped. In addition, the theme of the reluctant
economist runs throughout the volume. Easterlin wields the term as a
double entendre. At first, it reflects his ambivalence about his
professional choice as a young man, but later the reader sees it as a
metaphor for Easterlin's skepticism about the methodology of
contemporary economics. This skepticism appears most strongly in the
first three chapters, collectively labeled "Economics."
Of the economics' profession, Easterlin laments, "Model building is
the name of the game" (p. 11). The tendency to build models is an
error of commission, according to Easterlin, and it is accompanied by
two errors of omission: The failure to appreciate and employ
subjective testimony (Chapter 2) and the blind adherence to the maxim
_de gustibus non est disputandum_ (Chapter 3). In Easterlin's view,
_de gustibus_ is worthy of an accounting. The two omissions converge
on a topic, happiness, which one does not often find addressed in
much detail in the economics literature. Looking for happiness in the
midst of an economics paper is like searching for pleasure in a
treatise on the physiology of human reproduction. It's largely
between the lines. Easterlin dismisses economists' obsession with
abridging human aspirations and preferences via the reductive
assumptions and equations that jointly constitute a "model." But he
has more important objectives than merely ranting about the failings
of those who joined the profession after he did. Ever the teacher, he
shows how the judicious use of subjective data leads one to conclude
that the inviolable tastes and preferences of economic models are in
practice quite violable, and more importantly this leads to the
conclusion that, as aspirations rise with income, there will never be
a "New Postmaterialistic Society." Societies may or may not be new,
but there is never anything post about their materialism. The Age of
Aquarius has Hummers and Ipods. One can only learn this if one asks
about aspirations. Assuming them away only removes all possibility of
successfully analyzing the issue.
Some readers -- particularly younger ones who make their living doing
what Easterlin abhors --will be excused if they conclude that, when
writing about economics and the economics profession, Easterlin comes
off a bit curmudgeonly. The chapters in the sections labeled
"Economic History" and "Demography" are less subject to that charge.
Probably because of Easterlin's considerable contributions to those
areas, the material there is more informative than corrective --
though a few model builders are still taken to task. The history
section consists of four chapters. The first of these (Chapter 4) is
a restatement of Easterlin's 1980 presidential address before the
Economic History Association entitled "Why Isn't the Whole World
Developed?" Easterlin's answer is education, or more appropriately
the lack of education. But why don't those undeveloped places just
purchase more education and be done with it? Well, that is a more
difficult question. Easterlin reviews a disparate set of likely
suspects including family structure, government, and that great mass
social scientists call institutions, but he notes the historical
record suggests that different combinations of these suspects yield
different results in different places at different points in time.
Ultimately, the chapter serves as a call to study the economic
history of educational systems.
After a short piece (Chapter 5) that reviews the history of long-run
cycles in real economic activity (Kuznets and Kondratieff Cycles),
Easterlin turns to the Industrial Revolution (Chapter 6) and the
history of the market (Chapter 7). The key issue in his take on both
topics is mortality. With respect to the Industrial Revolution,
Easterlin writes, "What the Mortality and Industrial Revolutions have
in common is that they are both manifestations of the explosion in
empirically based human knowledge, scientific and technological, that
dates from the seventeenth century" (p. 97). This is a theme pushed
hard on the Industrial side by Joel Mokyr, most recently in _his_
2004 presidential address before the Economic History Association.
Where the two might diverge is on the subject of Easterlin's next
chapter, entitled "How Beneficent is the Market?" Not terribly is
Easterlin's answer, or at least not nearly as beneficent as most
economists would argue (certainly) -- or economic historians for that
matter (probably). To Easterlin, the evidence suggests that the
government can be pretty beneficent when it comes to adding years to
life through public health programs.
The final section of the volume is dedicated to Easterlin's
perspectives on demography. There is neither a better written nor a
more concise summary of the various economic approaches to human
fertility than Easterlin's "An Economic Framework for Fertility
Analysis" (Chapter 8). It is a masterpiece of scholarly prose. Making
every word count, as Sokoloff put it, Easterlin uses fewer words to
better summarize the various fertility theories than any of the
distinguished scholars who originally espoused or subsequently
adopted those theories. In so doing, he offers a simple, yet powerful
model, which has family preferences for children, as one of its key
elements. He then applies the model to the demographic transition as
it has evolved and spread around much of the world (Chapter 9),
demonstrating, that in the absence of an explicit accounting for
changing preferences, one struggles to characterize one of the most
important socio-economic phenomena of the past two centuries.
Chapters 10 and 11 contain summaries of, respectively, the long-run
decline of human fertility in the rural United States and the baby
boom and bust of the second half of the twentieth century. These are
two of Easterlin's major contributions to demographic history, and
they remain so nearly three decades after he published the original
articles upon which the chapters are based. Consistent with the
discussion in the earlier chapters, the roles of aspirations,
expectations, tastes and preferences remain prominent in Easterlin's
analysis of these momentous events.
Finally, and on the same theme, Easterlin concludes his perspectives
by addressing what at first glance appears to be a peculiar topic,
namely the curricular choices made by U.S. undergraduates in recent
decades. In particular, he focuses on the growth of business school
enrollments. Those readers who appreciate Easterlin's position in the
pantheon of economic history, especially those who teach the
multitudes of business majors about whom Easterlin writes, might be
dismayed to see such a giant engaged in explaining the behavior of
such a rabble. But Easterlin, as always, has a bigger picture in
mind. Specifically, he demonstrates that in addition to market
signals, once again changing preferences -- "as evidenced by life
goals of the young" (p. 12), and as manifest, for example, in their
concerns about "money making" (p. 220) -- explain the witnessed
behavior. He ends the volume by hoping, if that is the word, that
"preferences be accorded more equal treatment in economics" (p. 245).
To the end, Easterlin remains the reluctant economist.
Notes:
[1] Kenneth Sokoloff. "An Interview with Richard A. Easterlin,"
_Newsletter of the Cliometric Society_ 8, no. 1 (1993), p. 3
Lee A. Craig is Alumni Distinguished Professor of Economics at North
Carolina State University. His most recent book, with Robert Clark
and Jack Wilson, is _A History of Public Sector Pensions in the
United States_ (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
2003). He is currently writing a biography of Josephus Daniels.
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Published by EH.Net (November 2004). All EH.Net reviews are archived
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