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[log in to unmask] (Ross Emmett)
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Published by EH.NET (January 2002) 
 
De Marchi, Neil and Craufurd D.W. Goodwin, editors, _Economic Engagements 
with Art_. Durham, NC and London, Duke University Press, 1999. vii + 506 
pp. $22.95 (paper), ISBN: 0-8223-2489-X. (Originally published as a 
supplement to volume 31 of the journal _History of Political Economy_.) 
 
Reviewed for EH.NET by Manuel Santos-Redondo, History of Economic Thought 
and Business History, University Complutense, Madrid. 
<[log in to unmask]> 
 
 
Cultural economics, or the Economics of the Arts, is generally thought to 
have been created de novo in the last four decades. The essays included in 
this volume show that both economists and artists were doing "cultural 
economics" for centuries, in the same way that Moliere's _Bourgeois 
Gentilhomme_ had been speaking prose without knowing it. To be precise, 
artists were practicing much better economics than economists themselves 
were able to understand. 
 
This volume is the result of the Conference on "Economists and Art, 
Historically Considered" held in 1998 and sponsored by Duke University's 
Departments of Economics and Art and Art History. The idea of tracing back 
"Cultural Economics," was well worth the effort of organizing the 
conference and editing this book. As Neil De Marchi points out in his 
Introduction, "the valuation of art has generally been considered 
problematic for economic analysis." The book addresses this problem and 
others related to art and economics from a historical perspective, measured 
not in decades, but centuries. 
 
But this volume is more ambitious. It brings together economists and art 
historians; and includes economists such as Adam Smith, W.S. Jevons and 
Lionel Robbins and topics such as the valuation of works of art and tariffs 
on international trade of works of art. It incudes artists such as the 
painter Joshua Reynolds, James Cox (the producer of highly sophisticated 
"automatons" in eighteenth century London), John Boydell (the famous 
"engraver-painter-entrepreneur"), Francisco Pacheco, the teacher of 
Francisco de Goya, and art critics like John Ruskin, Leo Tolstoy, or Roger 
Fry. The attempt is certainly risky, because both disciplines have their 
own standards of scholarship, and, some might think, totally different 
subjects and different ways of approaching them. 
 
The result shows that the attempt was worth the risk. One of the most 
striking features of this book is that, although heterogeneous in theme and 
epoch, all the chapters share a different type of homogeneity: the reader 
cannot tell which authors are economists and which are "pure" art 
historians. The scholar can check the professional background of the 
authors in the short paragraph provided at the end of the book, but in each 
chapter what determines whether the work has been done in one or another 
field is the subject matter studied, rather than the author's affiliation. 
This is a rule of thumb which shows that this "economic engagement with 
art" has been successful. 
 
Let me highlight one particularly interesting discussion in the book, 
between Harro Maas and coauthors Ernest Mathijs and Bert Mosselmans on 
Jevons and Ruskin. Jevons' ideas on music make the reader think of "Thomas 
Gradgrind. A man of realities. A man of fact and calculations," the 
strictly rational teacher, in Charles Dickens' _Hard Times_, who wishes to 
take imagination out of children as part of the process of education. 
Jevons' manuscript tries to find a moral justification for the time he 
dedicated to playing music! Jevons' intellectual engagement with art was, 
according to Mathijs and Mosselmans, that of Mr. Gradgrind: to play music 
is OK as far as one can prove that it helps to use the mind in a 
rational-utilitarian way (if the person is upper-class or an intellectual) 
or hlps to peacefully integrate someone into a factory system, if he is a 
worker. Mathijs and Mosselmans are benevolent to Jevons and consider that 
the "civilization of people" is his objective. Maas, much more sympathetic 
to Ruskin, argues that he had the much more limited objective of keeping 
the labor force pacified. 
 
Another surprise thrown up by this book is how "politically correct" 
economists can be when art is being discussed. When we come to economic 
policy, William Barber on federal government patronage of arts or Robbins 
on tariffs on art works, for example, both conclude that fine arts are 
worth deviating from orthodox economics. The reader gets the impression 
that this comes from a moral and aesthetic valuation of art; that is, from 
feelings, not from cold economic analysis. 
 
Perhaps the weakest link in this attempt to use the professional knowledge 
of economists and art historians is the lack of visual language, that is, 
images, in many chapters. Most of the book deals with the visual arts 
(there are two chapters on music and one on architecture), but there are 
very few images in the book. The chapter on architecture is an example of 
an excellent text accompanied by a complementary selection of pictures of 
hotels, necessary for a complete understanding of this text. The same is 
true of Robert Leonard on Otto Neurath. Nine articles and the introduction, 
however, have no accompanying images at all, and, even including diagrams; 
the eight other chapters have a total of thirty-three images in a volume 
that totals 506 pages. Surprisingly, then there are very few illustrations 
in this book, which deals primarily with painting. If we are studying 
"economic engagements with art," we need to use the language, at least 
minimally, of both fields -- and painting uses primarily a visual language, 
not a written one. If literature had been the art form under consideration, 
then clearly no visual illustration would have been necessary. Let me give 
an example. The front cover of the book includes an engraving made of 
Salvator Rosa's painting "La fortune." Is this just a beautiful picture? It 
is indeed; but the story of the painting is itself a highly relevant case 
of "economic engagement with arts." The painting represents symbolically 
the relationship of papal patronage of artists and its difficulties. I am 
sure the editors carefully chose the painting; but there is no explanation 
in the text of this relationship. 
 
The book deals primarily with painting, and is formally divided into three 
sections, dealing with economic theory, economic policy, and the business 
of art. However, the division is not that clear-cut; the main common 
feature of these articles is serious scholarship. Readers will find what 
they are interested in the different chapters according to their research 
interests. Anyone lucky enough to have one of these essays directly related 
to his or her research interest, should read it. 
 
Perhaps therefore given the wide variety of texts included in the volume it 
would be of use to the reader to conclude with some information about each 
chapter, with my specific, personal comments. 
 
Part 1: Art and Economic Theory 
 
Negrn, Zarinus, "Francisco Pacheco: Economist for the Art World" (pp. 
33-40). Francisco Pacheco (1564-1644), a Spanish painter, wrote a treatise 
about painting, which includes an explanation (addressed to the buyer) of 
the valuation of paintings. He is "an artist writing about the art market." 
This valuation utilizes the same general economic principles as the 
Scholastics. 
 
Fridun, Bertil, "Problem of Unique Goods as Factors of Production: Rousseau 
on Art and the Economy" (pp. 41-56). According to Rousseau, art is 
overpriced (related to what is socially desirable) because it is the 
conspicuous consumption (with "envy value") of "the idle and the rich." So, 
although art is for Rousseau "true riches" (dance, music, poetry, painting, 
architecture, gardning and other forms of art are included by Rousseau in 
what is "necessary for life," of high moral consideration) it happens that 
"the most useful arts are the worst paid." 
 
White, Michael V., "Obscure Objects of Desire? Nineteenth-century British 
Economists and the Price of 'Rare Art'" (pp. 57-84). Includes a wonderful 
description of Degas' painting _A Cotton Office of New Orleans_, which 
Penguin chose as front cover for their edition of Jevons' _The Theory of 
Political Economy_. (The discussion is a very good example of "economic 
engagement with arts.") Both for the economists studied (David Ricardo, 
Thomas de Quincey, Leon Walras, W.S. Jevons, Alfred Marshall) and for the 
author, this question of the "anomalous value" of works of art is just a 
difficult case to show the potency of each value theory. 
 
Maas, Harro, "Pacifying the Workman: Ruskin and Jevons on Labor and Popular 
Culture" (pp. 85-120). Jevons' concerns with the cultural and moral 
elevation of the working class are mainly about how to make the workforce 
more productive, and so the function of music consists of "a general 
removal of the mind from its ordinary courses of duties ... causing it to 
forget ordinary affairs and thoughts." Ruskin, the Romantic, criticizes the 
industrial system because there was no enjoyment to be had from products 
made under modern factory conditions. The use of one's imagination, says 
Ruskin, should not be reserved for the rich, but was equally necessary for 
workmen. 
 
Mosselmans, Bert and Mathijs, Ernest, "Jevons' Music Manuscript and the 
Political Economy of Music" (pp. 121-156). It is an intellectual joy to 
read this essay together with Maas's paper. The authors work on an 
unpublished Jevons manuscript on music, the art he used to perform (with 
pangs of conscience, so it appears from this article). Impressive in its 
scholarship, the reader (or at least this reader) gets the impression that 
the writers have "fallen in love with the personae." Jevons seems to an 
"impartial observer" far more odd than modern, even more odd than Dickens' 
Mr. Gradgrind. 
 
Goodwin, Craufurd D. W., "Economics of Art through Art Critics Eyes" (pp. 
157-184). During the twentieth century, in explaining the circumstances 
that surrounded the production and consumption of art, art critics 
attempted to answer questions very similar to those that had captivated the 
marginalist economists (p. 157). They were not scholars in the traditional 
sense, but journalists, museum directors, or entrepreneurs. The British art 
critics Roger Fry, Clive Bell and Kenneth Clark "came to understand 
development in that segment of the economy that economists call the market 
for art." Goodwin's conclusion is that "the critics' model was considerably 
more complex than that of the economists," and that they turned to the 
heretical part of economics: the American Institutionalism of Thorstein 
Veblen and the "emulation" motive. Art critics saw the neoclassical and 
institutionalist explanations as complementary. 
 
Part 2: Art and Economic Policy 
 
Rees, Helen, "Art Expos and the Construction of National Heritage in 
Late-Victorian and Edwardian Great Britain" (pp. 187-208). This is a 
wonderful "conventional" study of the reasons provided by those who opposed 
the British export of important (non-British) paintings to America. The 
history of major paintings and their British aristocratic owners, and also 
rich American collectors like J. Pierpont Morgan, make up a mixture of fine 
economic analysis and policy, and the popular ideas behind them: all 
discussion ends up considering how much money the British government or 
British art lovers could raise to avoid the paintings travelling to 
America. 
 
Barber, William J., "International Commerce in the Fine Arts and American 
Political Economy, 1789-1913" (pp. 209-234). The American federal 
government imposed tariff duties on imported works of art, from 
independence to 1913. This chapter caefully discusses the legal situation 
and the reasons argued by policy makers, namely to "enable our men and 
women art-workers to live while they produce true American art and rival or 
excel the famous workers of the Old World." Paradoxically, the art 
community thought of this protection as a way of depreciating culture by 
politics. 
 
Barber, William J., "'Sweet Are the Uses of Adversity': Federal Patronage 
of the Arts in the Great Depression" (pp. 235-255). During the Great 
Depression, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) included a program for 
painters and sculptors, which cost more money, measured as a proportion of 
GNP, than in any other earlier or subsequent moments of American history. 
The criterion was not poverty, but excellence, and the result was more than 
2,250 murals, 100,000 paintings and 13,000 pieces of sculpture. Barber's 
conclusion is that this government patronage of the arts meant that some of 
America's greatest artists "kept going through some dark days." 
 
Balisciano, Mßrcia L., and Medema, Steven G., "Positive Science, Normative 
Man: Lionel Robbins and the Political Economy of Art" (pp. 256-284). 
Robbins was extensively involved in the arts (trustee of the National 
Gallery and Tate Gallery). In this role, he defended National Culture, 
preventing art work from being exported: "Although he was a staunch 
proponent of free trade, he noted already in the 30s that nations might 
wish to forgo some of the efficiency advantages of free trade." 
 
Wharton, Annabel, "Economy, Architecture, and Politics: Colonialist and 
Cold War Hotels" (pp. 285-299). The old colonial "grand hotels" in Athens, 
Cairo and Istanbul reflected the British Empire, socially and economically, 
as did the later American Hilton hotels with American capitalism. 
 
Part 3: The Business of Art 
 
Van Houdt, Toon, "The Economics of Art in Early Modern Times: Some Humanist 
and Scholastic Approaches" (pages 303-31). In sixteenth-century Antwerp, 
painters, scultors and engravers were regarded (by humanists) as craftsmen, 
but more "liberal" (more noble) than common craftsmen, because their trade 
involved a much higher degree of intellectual activity. That is, they 
occupied a middle position between craftsmen and men of letters. Also, in 
terms of the valuation of their work, they were regarded as entrepreneurs, 
not mere craftsmen. (Van Houdt calls them "artist-businessmen.") Scholastic 
doctors didn't agree about the just price of art works, but in fact a 
well-developed art market did exist in Antwerp in the sixteenth century, 
far beyond the explanations of any of the Scholastic doctors. 
 
Guerzoni, Guido "Liberalitas, Magnificentia, Splendor: The Classic Origins 
of Italian Renaissance Lifestyles" (pp. 332-378). Liberality, according to 
Italian Renaissance humanists, was a moral virtue "lying between the two 
extreme vices of avarice and prodigality." So, the moral element was 
removed from the notion of luxury and superfluity, and the quality of 
people was linked to the quality of the things around them. Popes and 
princes could go even further, they could show magnificence. Guerzoni 
traces the intellectual background of the idea to Aristotle and follows its 
evolution, pointing at the crucial difference of liberality of the 
aristocrats and bourgeois liberality, "that could be exercised by anyone." 
 
De Marchi, Neil, and Van Miegroet, Hans J., "Ingenuity, Preference, and the 
Pricing of Pictures: The Smith-Reynolds Connection" (pp. 379-412). De 
Marchi and Van Miegroet, an economist and an art historian working 
together, show how Smith's ideas (ingenuity being the result of labor, and 
of the careful revealing of hidden means-ends relationships in a scientific 
way, and not of inspiration) fit with the procedures of his contemporary, 
the famous portraitist Joshua Reynolds. 
 
Zablotney, Sara: "Production and Reproduction: Commerce in Images in Late 
Eighteenth-century London" (pp. 413-422). Painters, engrvers and 
entrepreneurs had a clear idea of the value of a picture as a capital 
asset. Consequently, "the economic relationships that exist[ed] among 
producers of fine art in late eighteen century London are easily understood 
using modern economic analysis." 
 
Pointon, Marcia, "Dealer in Magic: James Cox's Jewelry Museum and the 
Economics of Luxurious Spectacle in Late-eighteenth-century London" (pp. 
423-451). Cox was a jeweler and toy maker who produced luxury "automatons" 
for trade with the Far East. These captured the interest of the English 
public, who visited (paying the entrance fee) his London museum. Cox was an 
entrepreneur who dealt with employees and subcontractors, with a huge 
expenditure in precious metals, jewels and craftsmanship. 
 
Leonard, Robert J., "'Seeing Is Believing': Otto Neurath, Graphic Art, and 
the Social Order" (pp. 452-476). For Neurath, visualization does not merely 
act as illustration; visual aids are "part of the explanation themselves." 
>From this point of departure, his "pictorial statistics" and economic and 
social "silhouettes" are not only an efficient way to communicate knowledge 
to the less cultured, but a way of shaping knowledge as well. They are much 
more relevant as economics than they are as art; but without them, no study 
of Neurath can be complete. 
 
 
Manuel Santos-Redondo teaches History of Economic Thought and Business 
History in University Complutense, Madrid (Spain). Apart from his work in 
the history of the theory of the entrepreneur and the biography of Spanish 
carmaker Barreiros, he has published several studies dealing with art and 
images and their economic meaning. 
 
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Published by EH.Net (January 202). All EH.Net reviews are archived at 
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