Two types of 'rights' conflict and may be irreconcilable: human and voting rights versus the 'divine' right of kings, states and 'the' market (that is, sovereign producers). The first is either denied to, or adheres to, an individual; the second is a myth-based justification for a power structure. 

Many of those who promote 'economic' liberalism (that is, 'property' ) also seek a more secure foundation for their intergenerational entitlement programs than 'political' liberalism. Hence, 'economic liberalism' when applied with ruthless consistency means the (almost) complete abandonment of 'political liberalism': eugenic cleansing, death squads, torture, and the end of universal suffrage and universal subsidized education.  

Secular social contracts - such as the Mayflower Compact - can be undertaken by the religious: they also (unintentionally) distance 'divine' power and can provide for the separation of Church and State.

Not having addressed these issues for decades, I was hoping for a short-cut into the literature ...    
________________________________________
From: Societies for the History of Economics <[log in to unmask]> on behalf of Rob Tye <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Tuesday, February 23, 2016 2:49 AM
To: [log in to unmask]
Subject: Re: [SHOE] social contract theory

Robert Leeson asked

RL > I would be grateful for guidance into the literature on the 19th and
20th century counter-revolution: the organic divine right of the state or
the organic divine right of the market.

Both “god” and “the market” seem to me to be fictions, and the roots of this
question seem to go way beyond the confines of economic history.  However, I
believe there might an important and related lacuna within the literature of
economic history.  It concerns the history of real, physical markets and
market places.  I never found a good, all purpose overview of such
institutions.  Does anyone know of one?

Cobbett especially dwells on a kind of war, in England, c. 1800, between
traditional trading practices at paid and quit occasional market stalls, and
debt based trading at fixed permanent shops.  Commenting upon what I
think we might call the trend towards vertical and horizontal integration
associated with retail distribution in the shop/debt based system.
Separately, archaeology apparently notes a 14th century surge in English
cathedrals making speculative investments in shop space for rent.

I once spent a few hours searching in vain for any text giving an overview
of these matters, and subsequently asked Philip Grearson if he know of
one.  He assured me that no such text existed.

Robert Tye, York UK