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Hawkins, Mike. _Social Darwinism in European and American
Thought, 1860-1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat_.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. x + 344 pp.
$55.96 (cloth), ISBN 0-521-57400-5; $27.95 (paper), ISBN
0-521-57434-X.
Reviewed for H-NEXA by Richard Weikart, California State Univ.,
Stanislaus
Hawkins provides a keen analysis of Social Darwinism in an important and
thought-provoking work that will surely become the standard work on the
subject for some time to come. It is a superb corrective to the fairly
popular revisionist interpretation of Social Darwinism propagated by
Robert Bannister and others. However, his interpretation is not simply a
reiteration of the classic Hofstadter thesis.
Unlike Hofstadter, who boiled down Social Darwinism to laissez-faire
economics, racism, militarism, and imperialism, much recent scholarship
on Social Darwinism has emphasized the varieties of Social Darwinism,
since thinkers often applied Darwinism to social and political thought in
contradictory ways-- socialists and pacifists appealed to Darwinism for
support as much as laissez faire proponents and militarists. The beauty
of Hawkins' analysis is that he takes account of the diversity of
political and social views espoused by Darwinists, while bringing out the
underlying commonalities. He does this by distinguishing between Social
Darwinism as a fundamental world view and the political and social
ideologies built on that world view. He defines Social Darwinism as a
world view containing the following five beliefs: 1) Biological laws
govern all of nature, including humans. 2) Malthusian population pressure
produces a struggle for existence. 3) Physical and mental traits
providing an advantage to individuals or species would spread. 4)
Selection and inheritance would produce new species and eliminate others.
5) Natural laws (including the four above) extend to human social
existence, including morality and religion. Anyone embracing these
fundamental points were Social Darwinists, whether they were militarists
or pacifists, laissez-faire proponents or socialists.
Hawkins admits in his introduction that his work is not a comprehensive
history of Social Darwinism. Instead he provides in-depth analysis of
key Social Darwinists, such as John Fisk and William Graham Sumner in the
US, Herbert Spencer and Benjamin Kidd in England, Clemence Royer in
France, Ernst Haeckel in Germany, and Cesare Lombroso in Italy. He also
covers the relationship of socialists, racists, and militarists to Social
Darwinism. His chapter on eugenics is conceptually rich and suggestive,
but not so strong historically, since he doesn't even mention many of the
most important figures in the eugenics movement. The few eugenicists he
analyzes, though, do provide a good representation of the movement as a
whole. In his final chapter comparing the Nazis' and Italian Fascists'
relationship to Social Darwinism, Hawkins argues that the Nazis were
thoroughly committed to Social Darwinism, while the Fascists, with a few
exceptions, were not.
I expect that Hawkins' interpretation of Spencer as a Darwinist rather
than a Lamarckian will stir some controversy, for most scholars consider
Spencer a committed Lamarckian. Hawkins produces sufficient evidence to
show that Spencer did embrace natural selection after 1859, though he
continued to emphasize the inheritance of acquired characteristics to a
greater extent than did Darwin. In his chapter on Spencer and elsewhere
Hawkins is clear-sighted enough to recognize that in the late nineteenth
century Darwinian selection was not antithetical to Lamarckian inheritance
of acquired characteristics (as some scholars anachronistically assume).
Many Darwinists--including Darwin--synthesized natural selection and the
inheritance of acquired characteristics. Unfortunately, Hawkins did not
discuss Spencer's pre-Darwinian views, so the question remains: Was
Spencer a Darwinian of sorts before Darwin published his theory, or was
there a shift in his thought after Darwin's theory appeared? We need
further explication of this.
Because he covers an immense amount of territory in his book, specialists
in some of the areas he covers (eugenics, Nazism, Fascism, Spencer, etc.)
may quibble with his selectivity and some may want greater depth in their
area of expertise. But hopefully this will not distract from the overall
merits of the book. One reason I find this book so exciting is that
Hawkins has provided a useful definition and analysis of Social Darwinism
on which future scholarship can build. Even if one disagrees with some of
the examples he provides (I question a few of them), or thinks he ignored
some important thinkers, his work is still useful and can serve as a
springboard for further study. It will also serve as a useful text in a
variety of courses in the history of science and intellectual history.
Copyright 1997 by H-Net, all rights reserved. This work may be copied
for non-profit educational use if proper credit is given to the author and
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