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[log in to unmask] (Anthony Brewer)
Date:
Fri Mar 31 17:19:08 2006
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===================== HES POSTING ==================== 
 
 
Ross Emmett's definition and discussion of Whig history clarifies the 
issue very usefully. Thank you Ross. I am still not convinced that 
it is the last word. Some comments. 
 
Definition. Emmett - "Whig" history justifies the "victory" of a 
particular group over their adversaries by recounting why the victory 
was "inevitable" in terms established by the victorious group 
themselves. Butterfield - the tendency in many historians to write on 
the side of the Protestants and Whigs, to praise revolutions provided 
they have been successful, to emphasise certain principles of progress 
in the past and to produce a story which is the ratification if not the 
glorification of the present. 
 
Ross seems to me to have added "inevitability", which is a difficult 
concept (to a determinist, whatever happened was inevitable). I prefer 
Butterfield's original stress on justification. One of his main points 
was that historians should explain and describe, not pass judgement. 
Also added are "groups". We are surely concerned with the history of 
ideas and structures rather than groups. Hence, Ross's "losers" and 
"winners" aren't relevant. To the extent that there is a current 
concensus, we are all (apparent) "winners". 
 
The best fit I can think of to either definition of Whig history is 
Marxist history as done in communist countries (when there were such 
things). Western Marxism (and Marx's) seems to be a variant - 
justifying future, confidently anticipated, victory as inevitable. 
 
Internal and external history seem to me to be orthogonal to the 
Whig/non-Whig distinction. That isn't the impression given by James 
Henderson or Roy Weintraub. I agree with Ross's "thick" history, but 
the internal/external balance may vary with the question posed. 
 
Whig history of ideas and truth - I used "truth" and "error" in full 
knowledge of how loaded and difficult the terms are. Can we tell the 
story of the history of science in terms of the growth of knowledge 
(however uncertain and provisional that knowledge is)? Can we do so for 
economics (harder to justify)? To dismiss the question on the grounds 
that we set the terms in which "truth" is defined is to evade the issue. 
 
A naive scientist would argue that Newton's account of the solar system 
defeated earlier accounts because it was (more nearly) true. It led to 
better predictions, etc. Of course one can say that this rests on the 
definition of truth as "consistent with empirical evidence" rather than, 
say, consistent with the bible, or Aristotle. (I am aware that this 
argument can be made much more complex - I don't think that affects the 
main issues.) My naive scientist would not be greatly fazed by this 
objection, I think, and would be right not to be. We arrived at a better 
criterion for judging theories. I am happy to be naive on this one. 
 
There is then an empirical question (not one of principle). Is the 
history of ideas more affected by changes in the notion of truth or 
whatever (each theory "true" by the standards of the time) or is it 
more a question of improving theories relative to a comparatively 
unchanging standard of "truth" (or "adequacy" or whatever word you want 
to use)? For the physical sciences over the last few centuries, I 
think, clearly the latter. For economics I am not so sure, but the 
question is worth asking. 
 
Has the history of economics been dominated by Whigs? For the study of 
classical and preclassical economics, perhaps Marxist-Whigs have 
dominated, but I don't think that is what people in this debate have 
been saying. Neoclassical-Whigs seem to me to be few and far between. 
Sam Hollander, perhaps, but despite his remarkable productivity he 
didn't dominate single handed. 
---------------------- 
Tony Brewer ([log in to unmask]) 
University of Bristol, Department of Economics 
8 Woodland Road, Bristol BS8 1TN, England 
Phone (+44/0)117 928 8428 
Fax (+44/0)117 928 8577 
 
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